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21 Adar I 5765 - March 2, 2005 | Mordecai Plaut, director Published Weekly
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Opinion & Comment
Politica
The Final Hurdle

By E. Rauchberger

Preparations to execute the disengagement plan are in full swing now that the government has passed the Settlement Evacuation Law and the Prime Minister and Defense Minister signed evacuation orders. The right has come to realize that the process is now irreversible and, surprisingly, even some rabbis identified with the settlers are calling on them to go peacefully.

But Sharon still has another hurdle to surmount: passing the 2005 budget in its second and third readings to be held in another two or three weeks. He is expected to succeed, but only at the last moment and only following high political tensions.

Sharon's main obstacle in securing a majority to pass the budget is the group of 14 Likud Rebels who said they would vote against the budget in order to topple the government and halt the disengagement plan. But Sharon, whose shrewdness should never be underestimated, has several options available to him.

Four Options

Sharon's first option is to persuade the Rebels, or at least a majority of them, to support the budget. As the vote draws near he is likely to threaten to hold new elections in the Likud Center if the budget does not pass. This would frighten many of the Likud Rebels serving their first term in the Knesset.

The Prime Minister's second option is to convince Shas to back the budget. Recently Shas announced that it would vote against the budget but of course this is merely maneuvering — winning their vote is merely a question of money. The problem is that Shas is driving a hard bargain and Sharon and Netanyahu might be unable to deliver the goods.

The third option is having Shinui's 14 MKs abstain. Shinui is frustrated. They now regret resigning from the coalition and exiling themselves to the opposition wasteland over a measly NIS 290 million in funding for the chareidim. Having realized their mistake they have been sending signals to Sharon that they would be willing to return to the coalition and even to sit together with Degel HaTorah-Agudas Yisroel, as long as they receive some key ministries.

The problem with this option is that Sharon would have to reshuffle the government, even taking away portfolios currently held by the Likud and Labor—the last thing Sharon needs at the moment.

Thus Sharon has refused Shinui's demands, using a scare tactic to induce the party to support the budget without receiving additional funding in exchange: should the budget get defeated the responsibility for harming or calling off the disengagement plan would fall on their shoulders. Based on this understanding, Sharon received a positive response from Tommy Lapid, who went to Sycamore Ranch (Sharon's home) for a working meeting with the Prime Minister.

There was just one hitch. Shinui would look ridiculous backing the budget if the fateful NIS 290 million that brought the party to resign remained in. Lapid rejected Sharon's threat, saying that the responsibility would fall on the Prime Minister for having refused to set up a secular unity government, which would have had a clear majority to pass the budget, the disengagement plan, etc.

Sharon is letting time take its course, convinced that when the moment of truth arrives Shinui will not permit itself to let the budget fall, for the disengagement plan would go down with it and the party's voters would punish them severely at the polls.

Sharon's fourth option is to gain the support of the Arab MKs, in part or in full, and Yachad, the radical Left. Gaining the six Yachad votes should not be too difficult. The far-left party has already announced that if the budget hinges on its votes, no matter how hard it may be for them to back a budget with such meager social spending they will still vote in favor, for to them disengagement is of utmost importance.

Winning the support of the Arab MKs is a bigger problem. Recently Sharon was particularly gracious at a meeting with two of them, El-Sana and Dehamshe, hinting at his expectations from them. Even before the meeting, El-Sana made it clear that if Sharon meets his price, voting in favor of the budget is a distinct possibility.

Sharon has 49 certain votes in favor of the budget: 25 from the Likud, 19 from Labor, 2 from Degel HaTorah and 3 from Agudas Yisroel. With the addition of Nudelman and Paritzky, with him he can surely reach an understanding without undue difficulty, Sharon has 51 votes. That leaves just 10 more votes, and even fewer if some MKs abstain.

Officials at the Prime Minister's Office are not worried. They know there is a good deal of tension and a war of nerves to survive but eventually the goal will be attained, for there are too many MKs who would not dare harm the disengagement plan, and/or who do not want new elections any sooner than necessary. Therefore of the total of 28 potential votes (and abstentions) among MKs from Shinui, Yachad and the Arab parties, they are confident of their ability to get the majority needed to pass the budget.


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