In a few months MK Amir Peretz, one of the candidates for the
leadership of the Labor Party, will probably have to choose
which title he would rather keep—Histadrut Chairman or
Member of Knesset—because the Likud is pushing a
proposal that would forbid him from holding both jobs.
The current law prohibits most from holding two government
posts, but with one exception: Histadrut chairman and Member
of Knesset. A mayor cannot be a Knesset member even if he is
genius graced with prodigious talent because clearly he
cannot succeed at both tasks at once. Even the head of a tiny
local authority cannot be a Knesset member. So how is it that
the Histadrut chairman can be an MK?
The answer lies in Tourism Minister Avraham Hirschezon. Until
he served as minister and chairman of the Finance Committee
Hirschezon was Histadrut chairman. To enable him to keep both
jobs the Likud had to oppose every law that would place
restrictions on holding two offices simultaneously and Amir
Peretz is now enjoying the benefits of this legislative
maneuvering.
So why, two years later, has the Likud suddenly changed its
mind? The answer is simple: from the moment Peretz announced
he was running for the chairmanship of the Labor Party and
the surveys began to smile upon him and even showed
indications he just might win, the Likud got nervous.
Peretz is Sephardic, a resident of the development town of
Sderot, charismatic, sociable, connected to the weaker
classes, able to appeal to voters across party lines, knows
how to manipulate the media to serve his needs—in short
he has everything it takes to be the Likud leader who would
draw thousands of traditional Likud voters. There's just one
problem: he belongs to the rival party.
Granted, in terms of his politics Peretz is a dove as white
as snow and situated well to the left of the political
spectrum, but the general public knows Peretz primarily as a
politician who goes to pro-worker demonstrations and as a
defender of wage workers, the lower classes and the simple
man. At a time when Sharon is essentially carrying out the
Labor Party platform by evacuating settlements in the Gaza
Strip what's the difference between left and right?
Peretz poses a real threat to the Likud's hegemony in
development towns, struggling neighborhoods and other Likud
strongholds. Rabin's defeat of Shamir in 5752 (1992) and
Barak's victory over Netanyahu in 5759 (1999) were both made
possible when the Likud lost its command of development towns
and voting districts traditionally dominated by the Likud.
When the Likud maintains its hold over these constituents
Labor has little chance of winning, for they are "the people"
and they constitute the majority of voters—not North
Tel Aviv or Kfar Shmaryahu or the kibbutzim where Labor is
strong.
Apparently the Likud has decided to start waging war on
Peretz now rather than waiting to see whether he gets elected
Labor chairman. Taking away one of his posts would certainly
strike a serious blow to him.
Party Funding
The existing law provides NIS 60,000 per month per MK and NIS
1.2 million for campaign spending. A proposal that recently
passed a preliminary reading in the Knesset would grant any
party with at least 30 percent female representatives a bonus
in funding: NIS 90,000 per month per MK and NIS 2 million for
campaign spending. The proposal's aim, say proponents, is to
encourage electing women in realistic spots on the party
lists.
The initiative begs the question: what about a bonus for
representation of Ethiopians? At present there is not a
single Ethiopian in the Knesset. What about immigrants from
the former Soviet Union? Are they adequately represented in
accordance with their large numbers? According to this logic,
why not provide incentives for parties in which at least 30
percent of members are 70 and over? Don't the elderly deserve
fair representation? What about redheads? The handicapped?
The vertically challenged (i.e. short people)? Should
residents of Metulla, Eilat, Tzfas and Dimona be overlooked?
After all there are no MKs from these places.
The proposal was passed with a majority of 53 MKs against 22
opponents, mostly from the chareidi parties, which voiced
furious reactions, saying the proposal's backers knew it had
no chance of passing the judicial test and therefore their
real aim was not the money but to eventually legislate a law
that would require a minimum quota of women on the Knesset
lists, a law that has been repeatedly thwarted by chareidi
MKs.
