The Knesset Constitutional Committee's decision to raise the
minimum vote from 1.5 percent to 2 percent promises to have a
major long-term impact. Though it has yet to pass three
readings in the Knesset plenum, considering the overwhelming
support it received in the committee--10 votes in favor and
only one against--the bill is almost certain to pass in the
near future.
Requiring 2 percent of the vote means small parties must have
at least three MKs rather than two. The committee also
considered proposals to raise the minimum vote requirement to
2.5 percent and even 3 percent, but in order to garner a near
absolute majority it decided that 2 percent would do for
now.
Particularly telling was the reaction of Coalition and Likud
Chairman MK Gidon Saar, who called the move "an important
achievement for the coalition . . . This is just the start
and we must continue striving to gradually raise the minimum
vote, leading toward the creation of a political system of
large blocs."
Echoing his sentiments, Constitutional Committee Chairman
Michael Eitan (Likud) said, "Even after raising the minimum
vote requirement to 2 percent the State of Israel will still
be near last place among democratic nations, most of which
have a high minimum vote percentage: 4-5 percent and in
extreme cases as much as 9-10 percent."
The large parties have always seen the small parties as a
nuisance to be cast aside and reduced as much as possible--
particularly the religious and Arab parties. For the past 25
years raising the minimum vote percentage has been unfeasible
because the small parties were always partners in the
coalitions. Even in times of unity governments, coalition
agreements precluded the possibility of raising the minimum
vote requirement.
The previous Knesset numbered 15 parties while the current
Knesset has just 12, and only three parties have fewer than
five MKs. But the large parties are not content. They aspire
toward a right-wing bloc formed by merging the Likud, HaIchud
HaLeumi, and perhaps all or part of the NRP; a left-wing bloc
consisting of Labor, Meretz, Am Echad and perhaps some or all
of the Arab parties; a bloc of religious parties comprised of
UTJ, Shas and perhaps all or part of the NRP; and perhaps
another bloc made up of the Arab parties.
The Search Law in Sharon's Home
Dozens of new bills are tabled in the Knesset every week.
Among last week's various legislative proposals was one very
interesting and pertinent bill that somehow eluded the public
eye.
Tabled by Michael Eitan (Likud) and Z. Gal-On (Meretz) the
bill seeks to amend the MK immunity law to permit the search
of an MK's home under certain circumstances and with special
conditions.
The bill's timing is no coincidence. For months Israel Police
have been chasing after documents they claim are held by the
Prime Minister's son, Gilad Sharon, or else that he has the
ability to obtain them.
The police cannot conduct a search of Gilad Sharon's home
since his home, the famous Shikmim Ranch, is also the home of
MKs Ariel Sharon and Omri Sharon and the law grants MKs
immunity from having their home, person or effects
searched.
Of course the proposed amendment does not mention the Sharon
affair, but the law would permit the search of an MK's home
if the Attorney General claims the search is an essential
part of a criminal investigation of an MK or another
individual, or if he determines the goal of the search is to
locate documents not tied to his official duties and will not
harm his immunity. The bill also states the search must be
conducted in the presence of the Knesset Legal Advisor.
Under current law an MK's home can be searched, but only if
the Knesset takes away his immunity on this matter, a
complex, involved and sometimes prolonged procedure, and
based on recent experience the Knesset is not eager to remove
its members' immunity.
