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26 Shevat 5764 - February 18, 2004 | Mordecai Plaut, director Published Weekly
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Opinion & Comment
Politica
Referendum or Democracy

by E. Rauchberger

Knesset Constitutional Committee Chairman Michael Eitan recently tabled a bill that would require a referendum on every significant policy move, such as the removal of settlements and the return of territory, both of which the State of Israel has carried out in the past based on decisions by the government and the Knesset alone.

Israel removed settlements from the Sinai Peninsula at the time of the Egyptian Peace Treaty, returned territory to Jordan and transferred land the Palestinian Authority, but in none of these cases was a demand to hold a referendum suggested.

In a conversation with reporters in the Knesset building Sharon responded positively to the idea of holding a referendum, saying it was important to hear the public's stance, although one day earlier his associates rejected the idea, claiming the Prime Minister would prefer to hold general elections. Apparently what changed his mind were polls indicating the public clearly backed the idea of evacuating Jewish settlers from the Gaza Strip.

The State of Israel has never held a referendum on any issue. European countries, on the other hand, hold referendums periodically on important issues, such as converting to the euro or retaining the local form of currency.

Despite Sharon's positive attitude toward the idea, his close supporters claim the government and the Knesset are voted in once every four years and during this term they are authorized to make policy decisions according to the democratic process. If the public were to reject the government's decision, there would be no reason for the government to continue to exist. Therefore they hold it would be better for the people to decide on the issue through general elections.

Based on surveys Sharon's backers believe holding elections on the issue of evacuating the settlements could boost the Likud and Shinui to as many as 60 mandates, which would nearly allow them to set up a coalition without any further reinforcement. In their estimation general elections would further pulverize Labor and Meretz.

Sharon is well aware he cannot carry out the evacuation of Gaza under the present government since neither the National Religious Party nor HaIchud HaLeumi would lend a hand. In the meantime they are not resigning based on a policy dictated by HaIchud HaLeumi Chairman Avigdor Lieberman that as long as nothing concrete takes place they will not pull out of the government. Lieberman already got burned once when he withdrew from the government because of talk that never led to anything. Today he is more prudent. Still, if the government and the Knesset approve evacuating the settlements in Gaza, neither Lieberman nor Effi Eitam and the NRP would stay for a single day.

Sharon is already prepared for that day, which would allow him to set up a coalition with his good friend, Labor Party Chairman Shimon Peres. The Labor Party has already announced it would grant Sharon a safety net for a move to evacuate the Gaza Strip, but Sharon is not willing to stop there. Neither is Peres. Both of them want a full coalition partnership.

Sharon told reporters a safety net would not satisfy him, for a government is not just political decisions and Peres, too, knows with a safety net no position for him will be found. He wants a top ministerial post and a job like Deputy Prime Minister in order to return to center stage. And if these two wily political foxes want something chances are they will get it.

Labor's Dilemma

The Labor Party is facing a real dilemma. On one hand it cannot help supporting Sharon in evacuating the Gaza Strip since the party itself ran a huge campaign under the slogan, "To evacuate the Gaza Strip by Pesach." Furthermore the last thing they now need is early elections. On the other hand many Labor Party figures cannot come to terms with the prospect of a unity government under Sharon, particularly due to the government's economic and social administration, which reveals a capitalistic worldview on economic issues.

One of the reasons for the party's crash in the last elections was the fact it sat in a unity government with Sharon and the legitimacy that granted him for nearly two years. The public opted to vote for the original, rather than an imitation. Shimon Peres will try to lead his party to the government and even received strong backing for this move from Chaim Rimon, who said that as far as he was concerned the ends (evacuating the Jewish settlers from Gaza) justified the means (a unity government). But undoubtedly there are plenty other Labor figures who would object to the plan and do whatever they could to torpedo it. MKs like Avraham Burg, Amram Mitzna, Yuli Tamir and others will try to convince Labor Center members toward having the party say yes to evacuating the Gaza Strip and no to joining the government.

Fears of another major election defeat catching them totally unprepared could swing them in the direction of joining the unity government. The party cannot go into Election Day with an interim chairman; neither can it go into the elections headed by Grandpa Peres, as if time stood still for the Labor Party for decades and after thirty years it is being led by the same individual.

According to political establishment predictions eventually Sharon will realize his plan to remove the settlements from Gaza, at which time the Labor Party would have no choice other than to join the unity government.


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