There was a neck-and-neck race in the last elections, for the
fourteenth Knesset, between the various candidates for the
position of Prime Minister of Israel. In the end the race was
decided by a mere half of a percent. This realization has
naturally caused considerable tension in the current election
campaign, and especially among the heads of the big parties.
In such a close match, where each vote is crucial, the
spotlights have automatically been focused on the Torah-true
populace. This segment of the population, which is obedient
to the gedolei Torah shlita, has the votes to
determine the results of these elections.
I wrote the following in 5756 (1996), a few weeks before the
previous elections: "Chareidim will need to decide how to
act. Should they take an active or passive stand? Should they
cast their ballot for one of the prime-ministerial
candidates, or abstain altogether from voting? Of course,
these decisions will be decided by the gedolei Yisroel
shlita, since only they have the da'as Torah that
authorizes them to make decisions relating to the
klal. We do not at all intend to evaluate how we
should act, because we are waiting, as all of the Torah-true
are, for the decision of the gedolei Yisroel."
This article does not plan to engage in actual specific
recommendations how to vote for a prime minister, but to
point out several peculiar features connected to this
question, as for instance, the "advisors for chareidi
affairs." The secular candidates think, for some reason, that
the way the Torah-true will behave is dependent upon the
influence of fliers, leaflets, and posters, and that getting
"professional advice" and employing public-relations offices
will advance their chances with chareidi public opinion.
In the past our newspaper discussed the undesirable aspects
involved when the Torah-observant are presented as a "herd"
following the PR and marketing experts, instead of being
faithful to da'as Torah. We know that those advisors
are instilling illusions and false hopes in the hearts of
secular politicians. After these politicians become convinced
that the PR men they have hired are well aware of the
chareidi trend of thought, they think the Torah- true are
"traitors" and "unreliable" when the results are not as
predicted.
The race to win votes for prime minister has restored the all-
too-familiar "brilliant maneuver." The candidate of the Labor
Party and the Leftist camp, Ehud Barak, is trying to use the
"whip" of his intent to draft yeshiva students to "convince"
the Torah-true that it would be preferable to assure his
election, since only if they go with him will he
magnanimously agree to reconsider his opinion. Ehud Barak
actually proposes to cancel the ideal that he has declared so
extensively, the dogma that he has used to incite the public
against the Torah-true. He reasons that he has the power to
make any decree he wishes and at his whim he can rescind his
decrees; he can also stir up animosity against a segment of
the public, and then, if he wishes, later pacify the ruckus.
Therefore, he concludes, people should prefer him over the
other political camp that does not voice such threats.
As mentioned, this is nothing new. Before the 5756 election
campaign Yated Ne'eman quoted an informative interview
with an "advisor for chareidi affairs" who was trying to
assist the Labor Party Prime Minister Shimon Peres. We will
not repeat all of the astounding revelations of that
interview, but we will cite one small bit. The "chareidi PR
expert" explained to the secular newspapers that he had come
up with a terrific idea: The Leftists should show the
chareidim that if they support the Leftist stand about the
peace process, the continuous threats to conscript yeshiva
students would be lifted. Despite the false presentation (as
if chareidim are against the peace agreements) there was an
implied threat for anyone who knows how to read between the
lines. "It pays for you," the Leftists were saying, "to
support our candidate, since if you do not we will bring up
drafting yeshiva students again and again."
The PR man perhaps expressed this in a relatively refined
way, but in 5750 there were various advisors to Peres who
promised him valuable connections and influence over the
chareidim. At that time Peres was trying to replace Shamir
and his Likud government. During those critical hours when
Peres attempted to gain every vote he could to insure a
majority in the Knesset, the fax machine in Yated
Ne'eman ejected an urgent letter from one of those
advisors. "Don't you feel any responsibility for the yeshiva
world?" it read. The sender of the fax explained that we must
immediately tell the MKs of Degel HaTorah that if they do not
support Peres, the Left will take revenge and do its best to
draft yeshiva students. He demanded that "we save the
yeshivos" by voting for Peres!
This reminded us of a poignant moshol that Maran HaRav
Aharon Kotler zt'l used when the government intended
to enact a compulsory Sheirut Leumi (National Service)
for girls (cited in Peer Hador, vol. 5). The leaders
of the Po'el HaMizrachi, M. Shapira and Z. Wahrhaftig, in a
private talk with HaRav Kotler, tried to convince him that
the campaign against Sheirut Leumi was liable to bring
about the drafting of yeshiva students. R' Aharon retorted
with the following moshol: A rich landowner in Poland
bought some champagne, a drink that was, in those days, quite
rare. As was customary, he had a "Moshkeh" on his estate, and
since the wealthy Pole was friendly with his Moshkeh he asked
him to taste the champagne. The Jew answered that the Torah
forbade him to drink wine that a non-Jew had touched, but
there was one condition that would allow him to drink: If he
was under threat of being killed he was then permitted to
drink. The non-Jew immediately understood the hint and
directed his pistol toward Moshkeh: "Either you drink or I'll
kill you!" The Jew drank one glass. The landowner asked the
Jew: "Was the wine tasty?" The Jew smiled: "My dear sir,
please aim your pistol at me and threaten me again!"
The lesson we must learn from it is obvious. Those of HaPo'el
HaMizrachi were asking the secular politicians to enact the
decrees to fulfill their own wishes.
One of the tactics of Barak and his advisors is to make the
chareidim behave like "fanatics" who forbid voting for any
secular candidate whatsoever.
How have those secular politicians suddenly become zealots,
trying to disseminate that every secular Jew is posul
to be elected? Why are they encouraging such a trend? The
answer is simple. Political experts explained to Barak that
even if all goes well he cannot possibly hope that the
gedolim will rule that chareidim should prefer him.
Thus, the best plan for him is to try to coax the chareidim
not to vote at all for prime minister, and at least this will
prevent their supporting the rival candidate.
As mentioned, we cannot offer any opinion about the weighty
question of voting for a secular candidate for prime
minister. The question to what degree we should support and
cooperate with the secular governmental mechanism forced upon
us in the State of Israel has been weighed by gedolei
Yisroel in various situations. Beginning with voting for
Knesset elections and carrying on to the question of
supporting a coalition government and being part of a
governmental coalition, it has all been discussed at length.
Every question has been analyzed on its own merits and
specific decisions have been formulated each time. In
addition, the above-mentioned occurrence demonstrates a
paradoxical situation, a warped predicament, and the first
grade hypocrisy that has been spreading in Israel during the
last few years.
Even if there is a certain merit in the idea of not
supporting any secular candidate, this decision must only be
made by the gedolei Torah, with only a pure Torah
perspective being taken into consideration. This particular
perspective sees all types of secularism as a threat on
Judaism, and according to that outlook it is worthwhile to
distance ourselves as much as possible from the governmental
apparatus. (But, as already mentioned, most gedolei
Torah have decided that we should actively participate in
the Knesset elections. We must act like this bedi'eved
since we are in a she'as hadechak, leaving us no
choice.)
We are confronted with the problem of the offensive use of
feigned "fanatic arguments" by the Leftists. We are therefore
seeing, and will see more in the future, the cynical use of
ideological considerations to gain diametrically opposite
aims. Those religious politicians who are helping the Left
have a golden opportunity to do so while simulating
righteousness and claiming that they are only concerned about
"pure hashkofo." They are certainly not prompting us
to refrain from supporting any secular candidate because of a
sincere motivation of distancing the chareidi public from any
connection with secular movements.
The truth is that the Torah hashkofo in connection
with governmental and Knesset institutions is that we never
had, and we will never have, a choice between the good and
the bad, between the beneficial and the harmful. The only
choice we ever have had and ever will have is between the bad
and the worse, between what is more evil and what is less
evil, between what is more harmful and what is less harmful.
Every Jew who does not believe in the Rambam's Thirteen
Principles of Faith has removed himself from the klal.
(According to the Rambam this includes someone who is simply
unaware of them or is an onus.)
The way we vote is based on the basic assumption that present
conditions were forced upon us. We are participating in the
elections because we are onus and this is a
bedi'eved circumstance. We must consistently prefer
the less bad of all available, unpalatable possibilities. If
we took part in this whole loathsome affair happily and
lechatchilo we would surely not be faced with any
doubts or problems needing to be decided. We would not need
to have our chachomim debate them gravely while taking
into consideration long-range consequences. We would promptly
join with whoever best advanced our interests without having
to make an exact analysis of the possibilities.
However, since we are guided by the premise that our Sages
have only just barely permitted us to get involved, and that
our participation is not an absolute heter of the
whole matter, we understand that not everything is allowed.
We must still distance ourselves from cooperating with
elements that are worse and prefer whatever is the least
bad.
In the past our Torah Sages have counselled us that since in
our present state of affairs we must make a decision, we
should prefer what is less damaging and choose partners who
are less bad compared to others. This is because they have
only with much hesitation permitted us to take part in this
type of hishtadlus, and it is only a bedi'eved
and not a lechatchilo permission. We must curtail as
much as possible any aid to those who have cast off the yoke
of Heaven.
On this occasion we cannot raise the questions that have been
asked in the past about supporting a coalition government,
offering support to a secular government, and voting for a
secular candidate for prime minister.
The following moshol was once brought to explain the
matter: A Jew fled from Communist Russia to another country.
When people asked him what he was looking for in Italy, or
America, since he had nothing there, he answered: "I am not
running to Italy, nor am I eager to go to America; I am only
running away from Russia."
The second mistake of the "fanatic" critics is their claim
that since anyway we maintain that both the Left and the
Right are posul we should go with whoever "gives"
more. These people profess that their view is "the unsullied
Torah outlook" that anyone zealous for Hashem should
adopt.
The opposite is true! If we were to hear this argument from
those who altogether oppose participating in the elections,
that would be acceptable. For them any participation is
posul. When, however, this argument is aired by those
who do participate in the elections, it is totally improper.
The entire approach indicates an absolutely perverted
outlook. When we have an alternative that is even a little
less bad than the other, there is no heter to take the
worse way. In such a case we have no heter to follow
the way that is worse, and such a way remains under the
original issur of joining with reshoim, that
prohibits us to recognize their authority and strengthen them
(since what was permitted was only bedi'eved and
bishas hadechak, because of a direct need).
We must oppose following the worse alternative with all the
fervor at our command and try to prevent it with all means
available. We must do this exactly as the Neturei Karta fight
against the elections in general and participating in any
sort of coalition. The moment that an alternate, better way
exists, the worse way is not permitted and remains in its
original issur. The gedolei Yisroel are the
ones who guide us about how to act when there is an
alternative and decide which is the better alternative.
This argument can demonstrate the huge difference between the
approach that says participating with those who have cast
away the yoke of Heaven is only just barely permitted, and
the approach maintaining that participating with the above
elements has been transformed into a lechatchilo and
is definitely permitted. The latter do not bother to check
and analyze how to carry out the hishtadlus that the
Torah-true should do, which leads to our preferring what is
less bad. The strange argument was thus formulated that since
the Right are also not "a bed of roses" we should therefore
prefer the Left, who are many times worse!
This blurring of values has surfaced because the correct
approach to the whole topic of Knesset and government, things
that are forced upon us, has not penetrated enough among the
Torah-true. If we look at a Knesset member as being in a
"position of prominence," and if we think of a high
governmental job as something to pride ourselves on, we will
surely analyze every political decision through this
perspective. We are liable to opt for embracing the side that
is worse rather than the side that is less bad. When power
has become something desirable and not only what grim
necessity dictates, all bounds have been erased. In return
for momentary "gains" we refrain from taking a penetrating
look, one that is more extensive, at the responsibility of
helping one or the other group to gain control of the
government.
This ideological blurring has caused others to see the
campaign against one group as if we are embracing the other.
They initially look at the whole topic as a question of whom
we should support and not as a question of whom it is
ossur to support. Someone who only imagines
superficially that decisions are made according to what is
positive and what side is desirable, and not according to the
negative view of what side is worse, makes such a mistake.
The truth is, as mentioned, that we are not making any
positive decision, since there is nothing desirable or
positive about participating in the Knesset. The whole matter
is only a bedi'eved, permitted so that we can fight
against the anti-religious and save everything we can from
them.
We must therefore dispel the prevalent blurring of values and
realize what this "new fanaticism," that leads us to
championing the Leftist parties, really is. After everything
is said and done, we must remember that about the specific
question of participating in the elections only the
gedolei Yisroel shlita will decide, and we will follow
all that they decide for us.