Joining an Israeli government is never something that United
Torah Judaism (UTJ) does with enthusiasm, and this time it is
certainly done with an especially heavy heart.
The past two years of the Likud-Shinui-National Religious
Party government have left deep misgivings about the true
path of Prime Minister Sharon in the issues that are of
greatest concern to us. These misgivings were reflected in
the unusual arrangement that the rabbonim made, in which the
politicians will not take any government positions for three
months, during which time they expect to see significant
motion towards implementing the provisions of the agreement
with UTJ. It will be much easier, practically speaking, to
leave the government if insufficient progress has been made,
if the politicians are not enjoying the many perks of the
senior executive positions. Additionally, it can only help
the politicians to insist on the prompt fulfillment of the
details of the agreement, if they have the personal incentive
of a job awaiting them if they succeed.
Gedolei Yisroel who made the decision were concerned
about the dire consequences of not joining. Prime Minister
Sharon, Justice Minister Lapid, and Housing Minister Eitam
worked together very well for a terrible year of withering
whittling away at the government support received by the
Torah community. It is no secret that chareidim were singled
out for much more severe cutbacks than everyone else. Former
Justice Minister Lapid led the effort, but there was no
protest from either Sharon or Eitam as the knife sank deeper
and deeper into laws and arrangements and funding that had
been in place for over 50 years.
The latest and in many ways the greatest threat is the effort
of the Ministry of Education to impose its control on
chareidi educational institutions, with the backing of the
High Court. So far they have hardly talked to us about their
plans. If we are inside, this will change significantly, and
this is one of our prime demands.
It must not be forgotten that all the decisions and actions
that were taken were with the full participation of the
representatives of the National Religious Party, who voted
for most of them and certainly bear full ministerial
responsibility for all. They all sat comfortably in their
plush chairs as thousands of religious council workers went
unpaid for long months and the delivery of religious services
was all fouled up. It did not bother them to see Torah
institutions, whose support was proportionately lower to
start with, cut back by significantly larger percentages than
all other sectors. They did not cheer Tommy Lapid on, but
they did not lift a finger or even open a mouth to stop
him.
All of what is happening now and is scheduled to take place
over the next nine months is the result of government
decisions that were passed with their participation. We were
not part of it. They resigned from the government reluctantly
and only when it was publicly evident that they had
absolutely no choice.
Everything was set in motion with their participation. Now it
is clear that there are no political blocks to Sharon's
disengagement, since part of the Left will join him and the
rest will vote with the government from the outside. What
will happen in the field is not clear, but it is clear that
politically it is a done deed, and it was the National
Religious Party that kept the government in power to decide
so.
Now they are raining fire and brimstone on us and our
leaders.
Even as they protest, what is their risk? If they lose and
the 8,000 Gaza residents are uprooted from their homes of
thirty years, they will be on the receiving end of billions
of shekels — in part taken from the butter of Torah
scholars — to reestablish their homes and institutions
anew. Some buildings will be destroyed, but all the
institutions will be moved.
In contrast, the policies of Shinui had as their declared
goal the weakening and worse of Torah in the country, and
they had all too much success. In destruction, at least,
Shinui proved that it can get things done. Eitam said at the
beginning that he had no red lines as far as religious
cutbacks are concerned, and in that he showed himself a man
of his word.
Although we always said that the alleged closeness of the
Right to Jewish tradition is of no more than marginal
utility, it does not help our spirits to be able to say that
we told you so after two years of being the punching bag of
the Likud.
Still, given the circumstances, there is no reason that we
should not join to try to block the attacks on our
chinuch institutions, to keep them pedagogically
independent and to ensure that they at least get the funds
that they are fully entitled to. (As we have explained
thoroughly and repeatedly in the past, because of the way
chareidi funding is organized, we need special favors just to
get our basic entitlements.)
Politically, the disengagement is already reality. We have to
look beyond that. Our responsibility is Torah life that will
continue ad bi'as Goel Tzedek.
