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IN-DEPTH FEATURES
Part II
Very few chapters have been recorded on Jewish history in
the Golus that are in any way comparable to that of Don Yosef
Nasi, the Duke of Naxos, and his aunt, Dona Gracia. They were
born into a wealthy family in the Marrano community in
Lisbon, Portuguese noblemen on the outside and loyal Jews in
secret. The fear of the Inquisition led them far from their
birthplace and after years of moving from place to place and
of adventures, they settled in Constantinople. They openly
returned to Judaism. They supported Jewish communities and
talmidei chachomim on a massive scale and earned the
admiration of the gedolei hador, among them the Beis
Yosef, the Mabit, and the Mahari ben Leib. Their political
and economic power, and their ability to set international
processes in motion were unprecedented in Jewish history. The
saga of the Nasi family.
The first part followed the early years of Donna Gracia
Nasi, born in Portugal. She married into a family of wealthy
bankers. Widowed young, she carried on the business. She also
raised her nephew Yosef, whose father also died young. The
family fled Portugal as the Inquisition became stronger
there, moving to London, Antwerp, Italy and eventually
Turkey, where they were finally free of Christian
persecution.
Pope Paul IV moved quickly against the Jews as soon as he
took office in 1555. One of the first to suffer was the
community of Ancona, Italy, where a number of secret Jews
were living. Donna Gracia asked the Sultan to intervene. He
was able to save some of the Jews. Many fled, but 52 were
executed as martyrs. The world was horrified by the extreme
cruelty displayed. The Nasi family consulted with rabbonim
and decided to take action.
Hitting Their Pockets
The tragedy of Ancona Jewry shook the entire Diaspora. Even
the gentiles felt uncomfortable with this behavior, which was
unusually cruel even in the atmosphere of contempt for Jewish
blood which was prevalent in Europe in those days. Donna
Gracia consulted with the rabbis of Turkey, and they imposed
a ban on trade with Ancona.
One of the supporters of the ban was the Mahari ben Lev. It
was the first time in the history of the Golus that
Jews imposed sanctions of this kind.
Donna Gracia and Don Yosef cut off trade relations with the
city, even though it was an important port. They diverted
their ships to the port of Pesaro. There, the duke of the
city also consented to accept the Jews who had escaped from
Ancona. Delegates went around the various communities to
spread the word about the trade ban with Ancona.
The government of Ancona watched with horror as their town
changed from being a thriving port town to a frozen region.
They realized that the city's economy would not be able to
hold up very long in this situation. But the Pope refused to
give way and he rejected the plea of the residents of the
town to change his policy.
However, not everyone in the Jewish community — including
important rabbonim — was in agreement with this procedure.
First, the merchants were harmed by it, since the port of
Pesaro was not suitable for commercial ships. But the main
fear was that it might worsen the plight of the many Jews who
were living in various countries under the authority of the
Catholic Church.
The most prominent among the opponents was Rabbi Yehoshua
Tzunatzin, rabbi of the Italian community in Constantinople.
Supporters of the ban argued that aside from the benefit and
the lesson contained in the painful retaliation, annulling it
now would endanger the Jews of Pesaro. The Duke of the town
had taken in the refugees from Ancona so that they could
develop the economy of the city, but if commerce were
restored to Ancona it would end the Duke's hopes, and he was
likely to expel all the Jews, or even deliver them into the
hands of the Pope.
Both sides set spokesmen to work to argue that their side was
right. The controversy did not die down even when Don Yosef
threatened to stop giving financial support to whoever
opposed the ban. Once in a while there were reports of
merchants who did not stand up to the test and broke the ban,
while others bided their time to see how matters would
develop.
The Decision of the Tzfas Rabbis
Amidst all the perplexity, Donna Gracia brought her influence
to bear on the battle. She applied to the center of Torah in
Tzfas, where HaRav Yosef Caro, the Mabit, HaRav Y. Beirav and
other great rabbis lived in those days, to ask for their
support. HaRav Caro and the rabbis of Tzfas agreed with the
policy and published their opinion in favor of the embargo.
The uncertainty over the right way to proceed in this episode
generated the responsa which the Mabit wrote (part I,
237). Here, he brings in the arguments of the merchants about
their inability to anchor in the port of Pesaro, and sets it
against the plea of the Jews of Pesaro that trade should come
through their city as their Duke had hoped. "For the Duke
will make room in the port so no mishap will occur," and
there is a fear "that it might be worse for them because he
took pity on them."
After judging both sides of the issue, he concludes: "It is
indeed important and fitting for regular merchants to travel
to Ancona to make them remember the greatness of the mitzvah
of saving souls and the greatness of the punishment for those
who stand idly by the blood of their neighbor—and if a loss
is incurred, chas vecholilo, the residents of Pesaro
can cover it."
As for Donna Gracia, he called her, "the lady who is famed
throughout the kingdoms," and "the elevated lady."
Meanwhile, on the scene, matters were evolving at their own
pace. The Jews of Ancona continued their struggle with the
Jews of Pesaro over public opinion. And it took quite a few
months till the appeal reached the rabbis of Tzfas and the
answer came back. Furthermore, the mercantile community was
spread out over a large number of cities and it was difficult
to disseminate the opinion of the gedolei Yisroel in
every location.
For their part, in an attempt to make their city more
attractive, the government of Ancona announced that any ships
anchoring in their port were free of taxation.
A few merchants started to come back to Ancona, at first
secretly and then openly, and little by little the embargo
began to dissolve. A short while later, to everyone's relief,
the Pope died and the edicts were eased.
Donna Gracia, disappointed at the lack of success of the
embargo on Ancona, continued to work for the welfare of her
brethren. In 1556 (5316) she aided thousands of Jews who were
smitten by the plague and, after intensive diplomatic
efforts, was able to rescue her nephew Shmuel and his wife
from the claws of the persecutions in Ferrara. In 1558 she
established the Leviat Chen synagogue in Salonika.
There is no doubt that the existence of two such influential
figures within the strongest power in the Mediterranean Sea,
the Ottoman Empire, ignited the imagination of friends and
enemies, Jews and non-Jews alike, in terms of the
interpretation that they gave of their moves. The daring
experiment to renovate the Jewish settlement in Tiberias must
be viewed in this light.
On the Shores of the Kinneret
In 1560, Donna Gracia applied to the Sultan, requesting that
she be given the lease of the Tiberias region, which at that
time lay desolate, in exchange for a high annual fee of 1,000
ducats. It is safe to assume that what lay behind this
enterprise was the dismal plight of those who had been
expelled from Spain during that period.
Donna Gracia and Don Yosef Nasi were hoping that a settlement
in the Holy Land would provide a place of refuge and a chance
to begin a new life under the auspices of the tolerant
Turkish government.
The Sultan gave his consent, but they were still a long way
from achieving the full legal authorization. The Church
delegate appeared before the Grand Vizier and protested
against the project. The latter, who was himself not overly
fond of Jews, responded that he would do his utmost to ensure
that the idea was shelved.
However in the summer of 1563 (5363), the Sultan signed the
firman (concession) for the lease of Tiberias and seven
neighboring villages to Donna Gracia. In exchange she
committed herself to transmit a yearly payment of 1,000 gold
ducats to the Sultan's treasury, and to increase the amount
tenfold after 10 years.
Donna Gracia placed the task of implementing this project on
her nephew and son-in-law Don Yosef's shoulders. She put at
his disposal any funds that he might need, as well as a fleet
of her ships to transport new settlers to the region. For
herself she requested only a house beside the baths of
Tiberias, since she had heard of their healing powers and
wished to live there peacefully at the end of her days.
Yosef himself was unable to leave his ramified businesses and
supervise the construction of Tiberias. He sent his aide,
Yosef Ibn Ardut, to Tiberias. He had in his possession the
firman that the Sultan had given him, in which the
pasha of Damascus was ordered to recruit workers for the
construction project and follow the instructions of Ibn
Ardut.
The first project was to build walls for the city to give
residents a sense of security. The builders reconstructed the
southern wall of the city, and built a sewer and houses, some
of which are still standing to this day. One of the houses
was a palace that was erected for Donna Gracia. Mulberry
trees were planted there in abundance in order to develop a
silk industry, and sheep were imported from Spain for their
wool.
Don Yosef put out an appeal to all Jews to come and settle in
the newly-renovated city. Many indeed answered the call and
arrived in ships which were placed at their disposal. The
responsa seforim even contain a report of an increase
in the number of Jews in Tiberias during that period.
A yeshiva was founded in the city, with the Nasi family in
charge of supporting its talmidim. Jews from Tzfas,
Italy and even Yemen began to be drawn to the city.
At one stage there was some apprehension regarding the
success of the project. The Moslem sharif warned the
Arab workers that when the city was built "the Mohammedan
religion would be lost," and the building was halted since
the workers refused to continue.
The strike only ended when the Turkish soldiers threatened
the strikers, and even hung two of them. The construction of
the city was completed in 1565 ( Kislev of 5325). This was
actually the first attempt up till that time to found a
Jewish settlement in the Holy Land since the Churban.
In the end, not a single member of the Nasi family arrived to
settle on the shores of the Kinneret. Historians of that
period do not give a reason for this, but it is well known
that Yosef Nasi was embroiled in his struggle against the
government of France over money that it owed him. Donna
Gracia was apparently sick by then, and a move to another
country was beyond her strength, although some reports say
that she did move. As the years went by, the Jewish
settlement disintegrated in the city, and the stones of the
walls eroded in the dust and wind.
The Jewish Duke
It was not that the Turkish government had any lofty
intentions in its efforts to rehabilitate Tiberias. The
attitude in Constantinople was that desolate regions needed
to be developed to keep them protected against robbers, and
the Nasi family was prudent enough to exploit this policy for
the good of their Jewish brethren.
However, the whole process ignited the imagination of
numerous Jews of that generation since, through all the
suffering and persecution, they saw a spark of redemption in
the reconstruction of the ruins of Tiberias, the city from
which the Moshiach would reveal himself in future times.
The Christian world viewed Don Yosef with concern and fear.
In various sources he is described by them in exaggerated
terms, such as being an `emissary' who goes around the world
and seeks vengeance on the Christian world for its offense to
his property and his people.
From the writings of the King of Spain from that period, it
turns out that the king had ordered him to be captured alive
or dead, and offered an enormous sum to whoever brought him
in. Based on this, the words of the French ambassador in
Constantinople become clearer. He reported to Paris that Don
Yosef wished to build Tiberias and become king of the Jews,
and that explained his aggressive demands for money from
France. The demands to which the ambassador referred
comprised one of the international political maelstroms in
which Yosef Nasi was submerged.
Yosef Nasi had struggled for years with the French
government, over 150 thousand ducats from the property of the
Mendes family which it confiscated, claiming that Jews had no
rights in France. All attempts to demand that the property be
returned to the family came to no avail.
In 1566, the Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent died and there
was a struggle among his sons, Selim and Bajazet. Don Yosef
supported Selim in the battle over his inheritance, and he
later repaid him for this with a great deal of benefits.
During that time, the Island of Naxos fell into the hands of
the Turks, along with an adjacent archipelago of Cycladies
islands not far from Greece. When Selim took over he
appointed Yosef Nasi as Duke of Naxos and the islands. Don
Yosef never visited his duchy and managed it from his home in
Constantinople, which he never left out of fear of all sorts
of court intrigues.
In 1566 (5366) when Selim the Second (son of Suleiman the
Magnificent) rose to the sultan's throne, Yosef, as a long-
time supporter of Selim, decided that the time was right for
the French debt to be recovered. After heavy pressure was put
on him, the French ambassador found himself in Constantinople
consenting in writing for the debt to be paid by means of
confiscating merchandise from French ships.
In 1568, the Sultan, at Yosef's request, made out a firman
enabling him to confiscate one-third of all merchandise
arriving at the port of Alexandria under a French flag. This
was a daring step, since it violated the contract between the
two countries which gave mercantile preference to French
ships east of the Mediterranean sea. In another situation
this would have perhaps given rise to war, but France needed
Turkey and Yosef Nasi exploited this for his own purposes. At
least part of the debt was collected as a result of this
step, but the Sultan soon revoked the privilege.
She Surpassed Them All
While Don Yosef was engrossed in his battle with France,
Donna Gracia had gone to her grave. She was only 59 years
old, but the events of her life proved too overpowering for
her.
News of her passing threw Jewish communities all over into
mourning. Hespedim and mass memorials were held in all
the synagogues, especially those which she had founded. The
Mabit in Tzfas said about her, "Rabbos bonos osu choyil,
veChannah olsoh al culonoh" (Many daughters have amassed
achievements, but Channah surpassed them all).
Rabbi Yehoshua Tzunatzin, who had opposed the attempt to
impose the ban on Ancona, said of her in his hesped
that she "held the hand of the poor and needy to save them
— she merited, and she got others to merit, saving people
from death, releasing from the darkness of the grave, worldly
vanities, those sitting in darkness and the shadow of death."
But the Jews of Tiberias especially mourned her, since they
had so longed for her to come to their city. The rabbis of
Salonika too, whose communities were greatly helped by her,
gave long hespedim on "the great lady who is grieved
for, Donna Gracia . . . who is solely unique like one of the
gedolei hador—a remnant of the princess' household, a
morning star, in the gates she is praised."
When she was alive, Donna Gracia had requested that she be
buried beside her husband in Yerushalayim, but the place of
her final burial is not known. Don Yosef Nasi remained the
sole heir to all of Donna Gracia's enormous wealth. That
summer, 1569 (5366), his brother Shmuel also passed away.
While Yosef Nasi was steeped in grief, the Grand Vizier
managed to persuade the Sultan to annul the confiscation on
the French ships. A few months later, a new agreement had
already been signed between Turkey and France, in which the
Sultan apologized for what happened in the past and claimed
that he had been deceived.
Many years later the French attempted, through various means,
to claim compensation from Don Yosef's estate for the losses
they claimed to have incurred.
In regard to the mingling of the Jews of Turkey in community
life, an interesting fact emerges: that particular agreement
was written in Hebrew. This was apparently for the
convenience of the agents and Jewish workers who were working
for both sides.
Continuing Influence
However, all the difficulties, both internal and external,
did not really damage Don Yosef's position in the court. The
Cyprus affair, which occurred during that period and led to
an intermingling of the Moslem and Christian worlds,
indicates that Yosef Nasi continued to be one of the closest
of the Sultan's confidants.
Don Yosef urged the Sultan Selim the Second to declare war on
Venice in order to conquer Cyprus, one of its colonies in the
Mediterranean Sea. The Grand Vizier, Mehemet Sokolli tried to
dissuade the Sultan from such a step.
But Don Yosef was insistent in pushing for war with Venice.
Perhaps he planned to settle Jews on the island, as part of a
political plan to improve their plight. In 1570 the Ottoman
powers invaded Cyprus and the Venetian flag stopped waving on
the island. The conquest of Cyprus not only affected Venice
but was viewed as a threat to the entire Christian world.
In the capital cities of Europe the rumor spread that the
Sultan had promised his Jewish friend nothing less than the
rulership over Cyprus, where a Jewish state would be founded.
Although this was probably an exaggeration, these rumors
definitely added color to the image of Yosef Nasi as an enemy
of Christianity.
Venice, Spain and the pope mobilized themselves for a war of
reprisal against Turkey. Their fleets united under the
command of Don Juan of Austria, and set out to battle with
the powerful Turkish fleet.
On November 7, 1571, the forces clashed near the Greek
coastal city of Lepanto. Hundreds of sailing vessels and
thousands of soldiers took part in what was the greatest sea
battle in the history of Europe in the 1500 years until then.
After a three-hour battle which was unsurpassed in its
cruelty and destruction, the war ended with the Turkish
commander slain and his navy defeated.
After two years Venice contracted a peace agreement with
Turkey. Venice agreed to give up Cyprus and even paid
compensation to the Turks, who had renovated their fleet. But
after the Lepanto battle never again were the coasts of
Europe subject to a serious Moslem threat.
Ben Porat Yosef
"Let your ears be spared from hearing how Reuven acted
wickedly to dare to use his tongue to inform on the Minister
Nasi, may Hashem protect and preserve him! . . . the way he
abused his tongue on the community and on the person. And
when the rabbis and wise men of Constantinople and its
gedolim found out about his wicked intention . . . they
outlawed him, ostracized him and excommunicated him in the
world sefer Torah . . . and the rest will hear and be
afraid, as will all this nation about his place he should
come in peace — the spokesman of the city of Tzfas. Yosef
Caro, Yisroel bar Meir, Moshe bar Yosef MiTrani (the Mabit) —
"
This serious excommunication was the climax of an episode
which swept the Jewish communities in 1571 (5331). This time
the person concerned was not a gentile Jew-hater but
lehavdil a Jew who endangered his people.
He was the aide of Don Yosef Nasi, someone whom Yosef had
raised from the lowest depths to take an important, senior
position in his service. But this man did not repay him in
kind and was caught in fraud.
"Nevertheless, the abovementioned minister (Don Yosef) was
unaware of his fraud."
When the man saw that he had been caught red-handed, "he
immediately added crime to his sin, and began to act against
His Excellency, twice, three times, slandering and informing
and he did not succeed—-and this man did not repay him . . .
in evil letters he wrote things that pertained to the
minister, things that are not to be written about. And not
only did this pose immense danger and intensive damage to the
minister himself, but also to the nation as a whole,
choliloh" (Responsa 2158, paragraph 55).
`Reuven' was apparently a nickname and the real name of the
informer was not mentioned there. He was excommunicated by
all the rabbis of the various countries, together with two
people who helped him in practice. In Tzfas, HaRav Yosef Caro
and the Mabit, with ten other rabbis of the town, signed the
cheirem.
According to writers of the period, that same `Reuven'
claimed that all Yosef Nasi's lawsuits against France were
based on forged documents. In private conversations with a
French diplomat, Reuven did not deny that it was a false
charge. He had also undertaken to remove from Yosef's home
any private documents that apparently contained proof of the
accuracy of this claim.
Fortunately, the shameful plot was brought to light and
foiled. But it is not hard to imagine what position Don Yosef
would have been in had the plan been successful, nor what
position the Jews of Turkey would have been in.
The strict cheirem that all the rabbis of Turkey,
Salonika, Egypt and Eretz Yisroel placed on the informer
convinced the government that no serious person was involved
here, and he was subsequently exiled to the Island of Rhodes.
Years later, when Don Yosef was no longer among the living,
appeals were heard calling for the cheirem to be undone
and for that Jew to be brought back from exile. Rabbi Eliyahu
ben Chaim, the rabbi of Constantinople, judged the question
as to whether to rescind the ban which was imposed with the
agreement of all rabbis of the Jewish communities
(Responsa 2158, cit.). He concludes that he cannot
agree to a release, but neither can he stop anyone who wishes
to cancel it.
The Beis Yosef also dealt with another controversy within the
family of Donna Gracia, in connection with the division of
property between her and her sister. Following a libel suit
against her sister's husband, a large sum of money was used
to save him and the question was who would pay it. The
question, which was discussed at length by the Mabit and the
Beis Yosef in the responsa Avcas Rochel (80, 81), also
discussed the validity of the terms of a kesuvah which
was written according to gentile law. The ruling was that it
had no validity.
Incidentally, according to one of the sources which discussed
the history of the Beis Yosef, he refused to accept any
financial support from Don Yosef for the publication of his
writings, although he was in need of funds.
Don Yosef Nasi's status was greatly weakened following the
Cyprus affair since he had advised fighting. The Sultan
wondered whether he had acted correctly in agreeing to accept
his anti-Venetian policy. If any promise existed in regard to
crowning Don Yosef king over Cyprus, it was not honored.
In the years that followed the rise of Morad the Third to the
sultan's throne, Yosef Nasi spent a lot of time in his home,
beneath the courtyard of the Sultan which for about twenty
years had become as if part of his own home. Although Morad
did not requisition his rights nor the concessions that he
had been given, the gates of the palace were no longer open
to Don Yosef.
Incidentally, the period of Morad's rule also signaled the
beginning of the decline of the Turkish empire.
Don Yosef continued to be a patron of his people. His home
buzzed with visitors—rabbis, emissaries, talmidei
chachomim and community activists. He continued to serve
as governor of Tiberias. He supported the publication of
several seforim, and also published his own book,
Ben Porat Yosef, on a dispute that he had had with
Christians over astrology.
Don Yosef Nasi died on the 10th of Menachem Av 1579 (5339).
He had no heirs, there had been an only daughter whom he had
lost when she was 10. After his death, his widow Reina, the
Duchess of Naxos, continued to be active in helping her
people. She placed Don Yosef's huge library at the disposal
of those learning and was involved in numerous charitable
deeds. A printing shop was set up in her palace which was in
operation for 50 years, and the writings of many talmidei
chachomim were printed there.
Twenty years later she too passed away, and with her ended
the remarkable saga of the Nasi family.
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