A feeling of distress and concern is felt among the Torah-
true in Eretz Yisroel due to the continual erosion of
religious matters. For decades the jurisdiction in
fundamental religious matters has been in the hands of those
loyal to the Torah, but this arrangement is visibly crumbling
due to the extensive support those who wish to uproot Judaism
receive from judges in Israel's courts.
The ultra-liberal approach of Israel's High Court for Justice
that tries its utmost to promote the beliefs of the militant
Leftists has upset the apple cart. Their rulings have
undermined the axioms on which the country functioned and has
created chaos in religious matters. The government itself is
powerless when faced with the activist judicial approach of
Aharon Barak, Israel's Chief Justice of the High Court, and
his colleagues.
It maybe that the Right understands that if the High Court's
dictatorship is ended their own political future will later
be harmed by those judges who represent a political minority
close to the extreme Left Meretz Party. Those running the
government, however, lack the courage to go out to the public
and clearly tell them the truth: that the ever-widening power
of the High Court must be curbed and their authority strictly
limited by legislation.
Now that we are at the end of the tenure of Binyamin
Netanyahu all that is left for us to do is to calmly weigh up
what has happened in the last years. Unfortunately, this
analysis will not lift our spirits.
This was the first time in Israel that a prime minister was
directly elected by the people. The chareidim, guided by the
gedolei Torah, openly supported Netanyahu, and the
small difference in votes between Peres and Netanyahu
unequivocally clarified to the Likud that without the Torah-
true they would have been an opposition party. The National
Religious and chareidi parties tipped the scales in favor of
Netanyahu and were the essential basis for a stable
government. Many Torah-loyal Jews honestly thought that
because of their support, the coalition agreements would
improve in areas of religious concern or at least prevent any
deterioration.
But, as mentioned, the expectations were disappointed. During
the years that Netanyahu was in office we witnessed a
continual erosion in all religious matters. Reform and
Conservative "conversions" were awarded official recognition
and representatives of these heretic "streams" have a
foothold in the local Religious Councils. The fifty-year-old
arrangement for the deferral of yeshiva students has been
endangered and may become illegal within a year. Meanwhile it
has become much more difficult to apply for such deferrals.
Now, the basic assumption by the Defense Department is that
those who study Torah are liars and swindlers. They are
immediately suspected of being fakers and must prove their
innocence in ways unheard of in any other area.
Any appointment of a chareidi to a governmental position of
any importance is faced with countless difficulties of every
description. All legislation concerning religious matters
brings in its wake no end of legal appeals. The Attorney
General does not remain idle either and constantly searches
for irregularities in the government's allocations for Torah
institutions.
The blame is not only with the hostile legal
system. The heads of the government too, those who sit in
their plush offices thanks to chareidi support, act with
indifference and as if helpless about religious affairs. They
try to bury their heads in the sand and dodge their
obligations and "postpone" bothersome problems through
ludicrous "solutions" (such as the Ne'eman Committee) while
this passage of time allows the anti- religious to speed up
legal processes so that we are forced to accept the success
of their schemes as established facts.
Nonetheless, we must clearly declare that all the above does
not show that we regret the decision to support the present
government and vote for the incumbent Prime Minister. Since
the decision of Maranan Verabonon shlita was not based
on an expectation of gains, there is no reason to question
this decision because of lack of gains. The support for the
Rightist block was only because we recognized that the only
alternative is much worse. Our Torah leaders felt the
necessity to prevent the heretic Left and spiteful anti-
religious groups from gaining power. Those elements would
have made efforts of their own to destroy religion and would
have saved the judges of the High Court the bother.
All the same, this again does not minimize our sharp
criticism for the present government that has acted with
ingratitude when it "forgot" who put it in power and
preferred to demonstrate indifference. They appeased anti-
religious elements, avoided real solutions, and instead
created "compromises" that only lead to future
complications.
The disappointment that has spread throughout
the chareidi and NRP populace during Netanyahu's tenure and
especially because of what has happened in the last few
months will not be forgotten so quickly. We descended "from a
high roof to a deep pit" (Chagigah 5b) -- from a
euphoric feeling of victory and astounding success to
bitterness and empty-handedness. Not only have all our
"baskets" full of "gains" been almost entirely emptied out
and fundamental matters are in grave danger, also the general
hostile atmosphere against religious people has been
aggravated. Torah-observant Jews feel they are looked upon
with hostility, scorn, and hatred. These feelings are
systematically being molded by anti-religious politicians and
the media they control.
Many ask: Why do we deserve this? OK, we have not gained
anything, but why should we lose?
Explanations based upon logical reasons can surely be found.
Political commentators have already discussed this at length.
The infamous anti-religious motivation of the Leftists and
the legal system has intensified because of their desire to
embarrass the present government. They want the coalition
partners to quarrel among themselves and also to "teach" the
NRP and chareidim a lesson for not allowing the Leftists to
run the country.
In addition, the opinion of Netanyahu and his colleagues that
the Torah-observant vote is "in their pocket" contributed to
their approach and arrogance. We have come to our senses,
although a little too late, and understand that the Prime
Minister is ready to fulfill his obligations and protect his
coalition partners only when faced with an unequivocal threat
-- when his back is to the wall and he has no other
choice.
But as Jews who have been raised with the
clear realization that nothing happens without Heavenly
intervention we cannot remain satisfied with only a political
analysis. If we are now confronted with an anti-religious
campaign, an attempt to uproot whatever possible of the
Torah, if frum Jews encounter a wave of animosity that
is liable to have grave results, we must contemplate the
reasons why this has happened to us. Why was this decreed
upon us by Heaven? Referring to such a calamity the Rambam
writes in Hilchos Taanis that it is necessary for a
person to reflect deeply and consider how he has been acting
until now.
We generally do not look for explanations for the hatred of
those ignorant of Torah towards those who ardently observe
it, just as we do not search for reasons why non-Jews hate
Jews. Both situations are governed by a halocho and
are not dependent upon any rationalizations.
However, when such hatred increases we are obligated to look
for explanations. We are not interested in a political or
pragmatic explanation; we want a true explanation that will
answer the burning question of why have we been punished by
Heaven in such a way? We do not, of course, pretend to know
the ways of Heaven, but this does not prevent us from trying
to propose an explanation that the gedolei Torah have
already pointed out.
I must admit that when we read the parshiyos in
Shemos and studied the Beis HaLevi that
explains how the Egyptian kingdom cleverly carried out a
campaign to incite the rank-and-file Egyptian hatred of the
Jews, I could not help making the comparison.
"And [the king of Egypt] said to his people . . . come let us
deal wisely with them . . .." (Shemos 1:9). "When
Pharaoh first thought to harm the Jews he understood that it
was totally disgraceful to harm them without any reason. He
slyly mentioned to the ministers, the kingdom's advisors, the
wickedness of bnei Yisroel. He told them that the Jews
are of inferior character and can be trusted neither in
matters pertaining to the country nor in particular to the
Egyptians themselves. Pharaoh said, `Behold the people of the
children of Yisroel are more and mightier than we.'
`Mightier' refers to having possessions and wealth and is
similar to, `And Avimelech said to Yitzchok, Go from us for
you are much mightier than we' (Bereishis 26:16). The
Egyptian king told them that the Jew's wealth comes from
them, from the Egyptians, since the Jews robbed and stole
from the Egyptians and when they lent them money they took
interest from them and the such. Therefore `come let us deal
wisely with them lest they multiply and it come to pass that
when any war should chance they also join our enemies and
fight against us.' Their heart is not loyal to the country
and they oppose the country in general. Similarly I saw
commentaries that explained what the Haggodo Shel
Pesach writes, `they did bad to us,' as meaning they told
others that we are bad."
In parshas Shemos, a few lines earlier, the Beis
Halevi explains why the hatred for Yisroel revived itself
during that generation. He quotes the Midrash that
bnei Yisroel did certain things to look like the
Egyptians. He emphasizes that although it was not forbidden,
coming nearer to the Egyptians itself caused them to hate
them. The Midrash writes that "HaKodosh Boruch
Hu turned the love that the Egyptians had for them to
hatred."
"Indeed although the act itself was not forbidden, since
there would not be any noticeable difference between them,
bnei Yisroel were liable to eventually mix among the
Egyptians and sink to their tumah. This is actually
the opposite of the main intent of the mitzvah that Yisroel
be separated from the Egyptians . . . If Yisroel would,
cholila, have come closer to them, HaKodosh Boruch
Hu would renew the difference between them by renewing
the hatred in their hearts. All this was for Yisroel's
benefit so that they would not mix with them. For this
reason, after Yisroel concealed the difference HaKodosh
Boruch Hu had made between them and the Egyptians and
wanted to come closer to them, Hashem separated bnei
Yisroel by both renewing and adding a hatred in the
Egyptian's heart. `They were mortified on account of the
children of Yisroel,' whose plain meaning is that Yisroel was
so disgusted by the Egyptians that when an Egyptian saw a Jew
he would be disgusted as when seeing something repugnant.
HaKodosh Boruch Hu sent a hatred for Yisroel, that
bnei Yisroel would be sickening [for the Egyptians],
so that they would not assimilate among them. This was not
considered a punishment since they did not sin and they did
not deserve any punishment. It was only a way of protecting
bnei Yisroel so they would not mix with them, and was
thoroughly for their benefit."
The jubilation that swept over the Torah-
observant after the elections and following the gains,
benefits, and removal of discrimination promised by the
coalition negotiations, caused something of a change in our
relation to the government that is after all estranged from
Torah.
We must at this point clarify that we are not referring to
participating in the elections themselves and taking part in
the government, but to undesirable feelings apt to accompany
our not thinking deeply enough when doing so. Participation
in the elections and in the government itself, and the
attempt to prevent unfairness and bring benefit to the Torah-
loyal, was done according to the ruling of the gedolei
Torah veyirah. They ruled that it is not only permitted
but we are obliged to use these means because of the
unfortunate reality that has been forced upon us ever since
the State was established. The only question is what should
our attitude to all this be, how should we consider those
"gains" we have been granted and what stands behind them.
It is possible to participate in the Knesset, in the
coalition and even in the governmental institutions
(according to the specific rulings of the gedolei
Yisroel) but all this political activity should be done
while feeling we are "negotiating with robbers," as they have
been defined in the past. This is the outlook that we should
adopt when engaging in political activities.
The current representatives are only those who are continuing
the tradition of shtadlonim who tried to influence the
governments in Europe. The "benefits" that we receive are not
conveyed to us because they love us but only because of
coalition needs, and perhaps so that they can show the
Western World how democratic they are.
The argument that we want "equal rights" should be used only
as a means of explaining to others our needs, so that we can
bewilder political figureheads who claim they support
democracy. We should, however, not for even one moment make
the mistake of thinking that if at any time our elementary
demands will materialize it will be because they have really
decided that we deserve equality. On the contrary, as far as
they are concerned, even the air we breath is given to us as
a present, something we do not rightfully deserve.
Those who founded a secular state for the aim of starting a
"New Judaism" and, chas vesholom, annulling the Torah,
are entirely unable to picture the Torah-observant as having
any right to exist. Someone who wants to traditional Judaism
in a museum, and to protect a few remnants only as a
"historical testimony" showing what was once upon a time the
Jewish Nation, is naturally not interested in further
developing the Torah World, whose very existence and presence
threatens the ideology of those who want a heretical
state.
Perhaps this is our sin. We truly believed what those secular
politicians told us when they said that they want to grant us
equal rights. We thought they were serious about it and not
that they were saying so only to establish a coalition
government. We were mistaken when we thought that others
recognize our right to exist, and that perhaps at last the
Zionist country, which has been innately hostile to us ever
since it was founded, has changed.
Heaven therefore has shown us point blank the painful truth.
The current wave of animosity is teaching us that we are
still living in golus among other Jews. If we did not
understand ourselves that the government -- made up of those
who have thrown off the yoke of Torah -- will not accept our
demands because of their appreciation of them or recognition
of the truth, but because of lack of choice and political
necessity, governmental indifference and the legal system's
hostility toward us has reminded us where we are living. For
someone who for a moment was too credulous and forgot that we
are in the midst of a negotiation with robbers who, should
they allow us to remain alive and leave us enough to live on,
are still robbers, they have now come and proved this most
clearly to us.
Maran the Brisker Rav ztvk'l used to tell those who
thought that the time will come when the government will
honestly agree with our demands, what he heard from Maran the
Chofetz Chaim ztvk'l:
Yaakov Ovinu offered Lovon logical explanations as to why he
ran away from him. Yaakov clarified to him how he had labored
with uncommon devotion in guarding Lovon's sheep and despite
this Lovon had tried to deceive him time after time. What was
Lovon's unresponsive answer: "These daughters are my
daughters and these children are my children and these cattle
are my cattle and all that you see is mine" (Bereishis
31:43). Although Yaakov justified why he had run away and how
he had acquired the sheep with cold logic, Lovon did not even
recognize Yaakov's right to live. This is similar to what the
Klausenberger Rebbe ztvk'l had declared in his first
years in Eretz Yisroel: "You have demands? I was sure that
when I would get off the plane they would confiscate my
tefillin!"
Our representatives must continue their work and use all
possible arguments, but these arguments should not disrupt or
pervert their true outlook.
For all those who believe and cling to Zionist ideology we
are considered superfluous people who disrupt the creation a
new nation. Perhaps they will throw us a bit of "fair
treatment" and an outward appearance of "equal rights," but
in their hearts they will continue to grumble, and point to
the air we breath and say: "All that you see is mine."