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12 Cheshvan 5765 - October 27, 2004 | Mordecai Plaut, director Published Weekly
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Opinion & Comment
Politica: Pressure on Netanyahu

By E. Rauchberger

The Likud Party recently held a meeting to discuss the proposal to hold a referendum on the disengagement plan and decided to set up a team of Likud members to evaluate the various aspects of the issue. During the meeting Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, a long-time opponent of referendums, repeated his opposition and said he would continue to object even if the party decided to support a referendum.

Sharon has a long record of not honoring Likud decisions. If he failed to honor the decisions by Likud voters and the Likud Center, who is he to demand obedience from other Likud members?

Nevertheless during the course of the meeting, in light of the pressure on the issue of a referendum, Sharon agreed to set up a committee, which was seen as the beginning of capitulating to the idea of a referendum.

Finance Minister Binyamin Netanyahu is applying the most pressure. He has plenty of reason to favor a referendum--or at least to appear as if he is in favor.

Like many others in the Likud, Netanyahu is afraid of a party split. His aspiration is to one day head the Likud Party again, not half a party. Now would be a poor time to hold elections from his perspective and he believes only a referendum would defer elections.

Netanyahu needs at least another year of quiet as Finance Minister before he feels ready for elections. He holds that the Israeli economy is getting back on track and beginning a period of growth. (And experts say there is some evidence to support this.) Thus he would like to see elections held in another 12-18 months when he thinks the economy will have completely pulled out of the recession.

He says elections now would cause budget delays and suppress continued economic growth, and the financial markets, both in Israel and abroad, would show a lack of faith in the Israeli economy.

Thus Netanyahu wants to avoid this at all costs because a failure as finance minister after his failure as prime minister, would spell the end of his political career. He would go down in history as a failure.

Although Netanyahu generally appears to be further to the right than Sharon, the disengagement plan makes little difference to him. Netanyahu is looking out for Number One. If disengagement will help him he is in favor, if it will harm him he is against.

Netanyahu would be very happy if Sharon solves problems for him, leaving him to one day run a country without Gaza and without terror on the southern front. If this vision doesn't pan out he can always say he was never very enthusiastic over the disengagement; if it does he can point to his votes in favor in the government and in the Knesset.

In the Footsteps of Netanyahu and Barak

Sharon's main problem is the lack of a coalition--and the problem appears to be getting worse. In fact Sharon seems to be following in the footsteps of Barak and Netanyahu.

Three months ago Coalition Chairman Gidon Saar summoned the Knesset press corps to proudly proclaim that the coalition had not failed in a single vote and that the opposition had not succeeded in passing even one item of legislation against the coalition's stance. But times have changed.

Now Sharon's coalition is faltering in one vote after the next, both in no-confidence votes and proposed legislation, and everyone knows it could be doomed.

Fearing defeat following threats by several Likud rebels to disappear from the vote, the Likud decided to boycott one of the no-confidence motions recently. An official excuse was given but the truth was that the coalition preferred to appear to be boycotting due to a reluctance to break the rules of the game.

Instead of losing, the coalition has boycotted votes, just as Netanyahu and Barak did years ago. Without an absolute majority of 61 MKs voting no confidence, the government does not fall. Even 60 no-confidence votes versus 0 votes of support would leave the government in place.

After all of the Likud rebels were persuaded to take part in the vote, the Likud decided to call off its boycott. The results were a tie, 54 supporters and 54 opponents. But two days later the coalition lost a vote on an item of legislation.

This is surprisingly similar to what Netanyahu and Barak did during their final months. As they began to falter in the votes they chose not to take part and meanwhile they lost one vote after another on proposed legislation until eventually the coalition disintegrated.


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