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22 Elul 5764 - September 8, 2004 | Mordecai Plaut, director Published Weekly
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Shema Yisrael Torah Network

Opinion & Comment
Politica

by E. Rauchberger

Rebel Victory

Finally the Likud rebels have something to smile about. Unlike what took place after the vote among party members when Sharon disregarded the outcome of the referendum, pushing his Gaza disengagement plan through heedless of his party's wrath, the matter of bringing the Labor Party into the coalition appears to be somewhat different.

Due to the decision by the Likud Convention, it seems Sharon will not bring Labor into the coalition despite his repeated declarations that the convention would not be the determining factor, but rather the Knesset and the good of the country.

At a certain stage, Sharon sobered up from his power trip, realizing that in order to have the Labor Party join, he needed the votes of the MKs from his party. Without a decision by the Likud Convention, at least 15 (of 40) MKs would not support the move, a number that could rise to 25 or even 30 MKs after the decision, for no Knesset member would want to go against the decisions of the convention, whose members select the next Knesset list.

In the Knesset vote on the disengagement plan Sharon can afford to have 20 Likud MKs or even more vote against it since he has the support of the Labor Party, Meretz, the Arab MKs and a portion of Am Echad. But to bring in the Labor Party he doesn't have these votes. So without nearly unanimous support by Likud MKs it would be almost impossible to pass such a move in the Knesset.

In the situation that has come about, Sharon will focus on preserving the current government and creating an ad hoc majority for every issue on an individual basis--just like the plan espoused by Coalition Chairman Gidon Saar, who strenuously objected to both the disengagement plan and including Labor in the coalition.

To pass the disengagement plan and the accompanying laws, for example, he can turn to Labor and other left-wing MKs. To pass the national budget he would try to recruit United Torah Jewry members (assuming that under the new set of circumstances they will not join the coalition because of Shinui), HaIchud HaLeumi and maybe even Shas. To pass other laws, the majority would probably have to be different.

In any case, Sharon's main goals are passing and executing the disengagement plan and passing the 2005 Budget. If he manages to jump over these two hurdles, the government and the coalition will be able to survive as is for even another year, even if they encounter numerous difficulties along the way, though at the moment it does not appear that a majority of 61 will take shape in the Knesset, seeking to bring down the government and hold new elections.

Who's Worse -- The Likud or Saddam Hussein?

Knesset Constitutional Committee Chairman Michael Eitan is known as a brave individualist. He belongs to no camp, but makes decisions for himself on an individual basis. Sometimes he's with Sharon, other times with Netanyahu. Sometimes he leans to the left, other times to the right. Thus he can back the Disengagement Plan and at the same time oppose having Labor join the coalition. He is also known to be fair and hardworking and not long ago the Knesset press corps named him the most courteous MK.

A recent meeting of the Likud Court provided a classic example of just who Eitan is. The court was deliberating whether to hear a petition by party members demanding the Likud Congress be convened to discuss Sharon's plans to bring the Labor Party into the coalition. The head of the court, Judge Avigdor Mishali threatened to eject Eitan from the meeting room for raising his voice. Yet Eitan was not undaunted by the threat. "You won't throw me out of here," he said. "I am shouting because everyone else is keeping quiet. Some people get paid a lot of money. Some people get appointed ministers, director-generals, MKs, officials in all kinds of places, and some people keep quiet because they are waiting to get appointments. So everybody keeps quiet. When the [Likud] Court keeps quiet it's a real problem. The Court should have shouted, not me." Eventually the Court upheld the petition despite a disgruntled Sharon Family.

Eitan is fed up with how the Likud has been run lately, particularly Omri Sharon's takeover of the party and the country. In an interview he granted to Besheva, Eitan came out strongly against Omri Sharon, not mincing words in describing his deep aversion to him and what has been taking place in the Likud.

"At least Ceausescu gave the appearance of gathering 20 people to head the party," said Eitan, referring to Romania's former communist regime. "They would raise their hands and announce, `The decision has been reached.' Here even this is not done. Sharon does not even count his politburo. The Congress Presidency sits and Omri and Sharon sit with them telling them what to do. Did anyone choose him for this post? Was he chosen for any post? He was chosen to be an MK and even this was only after the election system was changed in order to get him into the Knesset. So he's an MK. But what standing does he have beyond that? That he is the [Prime Minister's] son?"

Gathering steam Eitan continued, "What Sharon is doing with the Likud, with his son, is a disgrace to the country. One day, when the history of the country is written objectively, everyone will ridicule us. Who are we to laugh at the Palestinians? At Arafat's corruption? At Saddam Hussein? And what do we do? Did Begin not have a son? Until Begin resigned his son did not go to the Knesset. Did Shamir not have a son? Does Shimon Peres not have a son? Are they less able than Omri? Do they have less integrity than Omri? They are nothings while Omri is Meor Hagola? Is Omri emblematic of the path to follow, of our sense of right and wrong, of honesty? And he just so happens to be the Prime Minister's son? After all, everyone knows what is going on. This is a disgrace. This is an insult."

A Generation of Swindlers and Thieves

Later in the interview Eitan claims the Likud is raising a generation of crooked politicians. "The Likud has 3,000 people from whom mayors, bureau heads, ranking officials and MKs will sprout up. They will enter politics, half of them as new activists taking their first steps. From us they learn that this is how a party is run. This is how institutions are run. From Day 1 they learn to be swindlers and thieves. And if you ever reach the government--keep your mouth shut. Don't give democracy a chance. This is the education they receive from us. Are you aware of the consequences of this and what damage this does at the national level?"

Eitan also has many gripes against the media. "The Likud commits crimes against democracy and the media not only remains silent, but even gives its backing . . . Every reporter who interviews Sharon should have asked him, `Sir, it's been two years and there are no institutions. Are you not ashamed? You're Likud Chairman.'"

In the interview Eitan also offers praise for Sharon in a few areas, such as the Disengagement Plan, but in his concluding statement, though acknowledging Sharon is a "bulldozer" Eitan says he is "running over the Likud."


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